I know it's been hard to keep a steady
workout routine and stay motivated during this pandemic.
Boxing & Pilates are my absolute favorite forms of exercise and they are pretty easy to do at home with limited or no equipment.
I love Pilates and find it to be more effective in toning and building lean muscle compared to weights. Pilates is the only workout that allows me to quickly see and feel a difference in my body.
For Pilates there are two people who are guaranteed to get you toned, lean and sore, Nicole from Move with Nicole and Shannon Nadj (Shannon is the one who got SZA'S body snatched & was trained by the Pilates OG and pioneer Mari Windsor). I'm just including a few of Shannon & Nicole's workouts, but definitely go through their YouTube Channels to do all their workouts, you won't regret it.
I am also a big fan of boxing because it's fun, mentally therapeutic (for me), and it burns a lot of calories in a short period of time.
I know not everyone has access to a punching bag, so I included a no equipment shadow boxing workout that's just as effective. If you do have a bag, try this routine out too!
Also, here's a link to the punching bag I have, it's a great investment and beginner friendly.
The average person will have almost 30,000 thoughts in one day. Most of these thoughts are fleeting or uncontrolled. However, whether we recognize this or not, some of these thoughts affect our mental health, the way we live, and the decisions we make on a daily basis. Taking control of our thought life will result in a healthier life and ultimately a better version of us.
Here are some helpful hacks and things I say when I am trying to take control of my thoughts. We are all subject to bad days. But there are ways we can guard our worlds with our words.
1. I AM DOING BETTER THAN I THINK I AM.
We all have a tendency to be hard on ourselves, which can cause us to really think we are doing worse than we are in reality. My focus is not on my failures—I choose to pay attention to my wins.
2. THERE ARE MORE PEOPLE FOR ME THAN AGAINST ME.
It’s so easy to get caught up with those who are against us and forget those who are in our corner! Let’s remember that there are way more people for us than against us who truly want the best for us.
3. MY FUTURE IS BRIGHT, AND MY BEST DAYS ARE STILL AHEAD OF ME.
This is an important one. Pay attention—your glory days are not behind you. Believing in a beautiful tomorrow will always open windows of opportunity.
4. I AM STRONG ENOUGH TO FACE WHAT’S IN FRONT OF ME.
Say this: I am powerful! I will choose faith over fear, and move forward knowing that I am strong enough to face what’s in front of me.
5. THERE IS PURPOSE IN MY PAIN.
Circumstances are catalysts toward our growth. We must always remind ourselves that there is a purpose in our pain and experiences.
6. I WILL FOCUS ON BEING PRESENT OVER PERFECT.
Let’s be honest: none of us are perfect. See the magic in every moment.
7. “I AM” WILL BE LOUDER THAN “I’M NOT.”
Our doubts, fears, and insecurities often dominate our thought life. Let the dominant voice inside you be the I CAN and the I AM.
8. THE GATEWAY TO JOY IS THROUGH MY GRATITUDE.
We are all pursuing happiness. Try being thankful—it might make you smile more.
9. I HAVE EVERYTHING I NEED.
Sometimes it’s easy to dwell on what we don’t have. But I want to encourage you: everything you need is already in your hand, and you are enough for the task.
10. I LOOK GOOD. SORRY, I LOOK SO GOOD!
There is only one you! And you are stunning.
Original article written by Julia Veach via https://poosh.com/affirmations-that-will-shift-your-energy/
I'm going to keep this short.
Between covid-19, quarantine, police brutality, racism finally being globally addressed and job losses...it's been a rough three months.
One of these issues alone is a lot to process but while it's all happening simultaneously it's easy to feel mentally exhausted, angry, sad, anxious, overwhelmed and everything else in between.
Here are two resources that are here to help you find some balance & wellness and keep your mental health, healthy.
Headspace is my absolute favorite app and I saw a commercial that they are now offering a full year of a free unlimited plan for people who are now unemployed due to covid-19. Meditation is very important for my mind and is a great way to find mental and internal peace.
The great thing about Headspace is that there are meditations for everything such as relaxation, anxiety, sleep & productivity along with several breathing exercises, body stretches. I’ve tried so many different apps and types of meditation and I always come back.
To sign up go to headspace.com and download the Headspace app.
Beam is "a collective of advocates, yoga teachers, artists, therapists, lawyers, religious leaders, teachers, psychologists and activists committed to the emotional/mental health and healing of Black communities."
Beam connects black people and marginalized communities with professional mental health doctors, experts and resources so that you can feel comfortable talking to someone who can really relate to and empathize with you. Opening up can be hard to do, but collectives like Beam makes the process easier and comforting.
What makes Beam even better is that they provide our community with the mental health education and literacy that we often do not learn or have the privilege of learning.
Visit beam.community for more info.
In case you're currently stuck with a set, here is a healthy way to remove a gel or acrylic mani/pedi.
I either get a gel manicure or do it at home and this is my go to way to remove it, without damaging my nails.
One of the most common and foolproof ways to remove gel and acrylic nails is to do an acetone soak. This is typically the same process that’s used at salons.
What you’ll need:
Acetone nail polish remover (or gel polish remover)
Step #1: Clip your nails. Use a nail clipper to cut your acrylics as short as possible. The less nail you're left to work with, the better!
For a gel mani, you can skip this step or cut and file to your desired shape and length first.
Step #2: File away. Next, file and buff the tops of your nails to remove any nail polish that was applied on top of your acrylics/gel manicure.
Step #3: Prep your cuticles. Apply some petroleum jelly to your cuticles and fingers in preparation for your acetone soak.
Step #4: Soak and wrap. Let the soaking begin! Saturate a cotton ball with acetone nail polish remover, place the cotton ball on top of and around your nail, then wrap the nail with a piece of aluminum foil.
Step #5: Wait it out. Let your aluminum foil nails soak for about 20 minutes or so (now would be a great time to catch up on your favorite podcast or TV show!). Once time is up, gently lift the aluminum foil on one of your nails. If the polish doesn't start to come off easily, leave it (and the rest of your fingers) to soak for an additional five to ten minutes.
This month's Black Business spotlight is on Dewy Lips!
Dewy Lips is a vegan, cruelty free lip gloss company owned by Malarie Davis, a Southern California native. Dewy glosses are infused with different essential oils and moisturizing agents to give Dewy Dolls a delightful experience.
Dewy Lips now also offers lip scrubs and lip oils, so all you soft lip needs are met!
(She also named a shade after me--Ronnie!)
Malarie is a Master of Communication Management, she just completed her studies at the University of Southern California. She has a Bachelors of Arts in Communications from the Illustrious Tuskegee University and is currently working with special needs children as a behavioral interventionist. Malarie is a dreamer and a doer, she envisioned Dewy Lips four months ago, and now here we are! Anything is possible when you try!
Here are a few words form Malarie about her brand!
"Dewy Lips is a black owned, vegan, cruelty free, handmade lip-gloss company. We provide a unique product that is sure to keep your lips wanting more!"
You can purchase these beautiful glosses, lip scrubs and lip oils online at
Also follow Dewy Lips on Instagram
digitalcommons.lmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1074&context=fgvFebruary 2016 AnaLexicis T. Bridewell
Loyola Marymount University
Black Lives Matter is an organization and movement created in 2012 in response to George Zimmerman’s acquittal for the murder of Trayvon Martin. This event created a platform for Black women to address the inequalities and injustices marginalized groups experience in America. Because of the inclusive nature and wide range of focuses in Black Lives Matter, it is evident that this organization and movement is based in Black feminism, rather than feminism. This distinction can be seen in the comparison between feminism and Black feminism frameworks in regards to the structure and actions of Black Lives Matter. In this essay, the author investigates why Black feminism, rather than feminism, is an adequate framework for Black Lives Matter. This is achieved through the following critical perspectives and strategies: racism, inclusion/exclusion, the role of Black queer women, the recognition of differences among women, the interlocking systems of oppression, and agenda making.
Racism within Feminism
In feminism, a strong sense of racism permeates throughout its foundational framework. This racism has not gone unnoticed by Black feminists. Collins argues that feminism has been interpreted as a “for whites only” movement (13). This interpretation is done by both Black and white women alike. In their collective statement, the Combahee River Collective acknowledges that racism in feminism is a major problem. They state: “One issue that is of major concern to us and that we have begun to publicly address is the racism in the white women’s movement” (CRC 273)1. Black feminists consider racism a major issue because of the status quo it has in feminism. Black feminists are “made constantly and painfully aware of how little effort white women have made to understand and combat their racisms, which require amongst other things that have a more than superficially comprehension of race, color, and Black history and culture” (CRC 273). Many Black feminists realize that white women have not tried to change this status quo of racism in their discourse. Instead of addressing racism, white women in the feminist movement continue to base their discourse in it.
The racism that permeates the feminist movement is a tool used by white women to exclude Black women from the movement. Because of the racism in the feminist movement, discriminatory actions have been taken to exclude Black women. This is done through the creation of segregated institutions, organizations, and events (Collins 13). As “white only” institutions, events, and organization became present, Black and white women began to identify feminism as the “cultural property of white women” (Collins 13). Instead of correcting this notion, white women choose not address the notion that is in the minds of many women. This action of omission is extremely intentional. By failing to acknowledge racism in feminism, white women are able to keep ownership of it (Collins 15). As a consequence, Black women are excluding from feminist discourse through the use of the unchecked privilege of white supremacy by white feminists.
The basis of which white supremacy operates itself in feminism is due to its foundation in racism. As hooks states, “Racism abounds in the writing of white feminists, reinforcing white supremacy and negating the mobility that women will bond politically across ethic and racial boundaries” (272). White supremacy presents itself the readings and writings that feminists today base their collective actions upon. With white supremacy and racism at the core of feminist discourse, feminists are influenced to uphold such values. As an influence and not a mandate, white women can choose not to implement racism in their movement. With the obvious forms of discrimination in the movement, white women have chosen to articulate racism and white supremacy in feminism (Collins 114). This choice is made upon ignorance rather than understanding. Many feminists do not understand that white supremacy is a tool used for exclusion (hooks 272). For white feminists, white supremacy is used to advance their agenda. For others, like Black feminists, white supremacy and racism excludes them and their agenda from feminism.
Contrary to feminism, Black feminism includes individuals of all races and ethnicities in their discourse and movement. The Combahee River Collective, as a group of Black feminists, asserts that Black feminism anti-racist” (265). Its ability to be anti-racist is due to Black feminists and their recognition of their place in society. As hooks states, “As a group Black women...our overall social status is lower than that of any other” (281). Black women’s social status is “lower than that of any other” because of their place in society. Black women occupy the bottom place in our society (hooks 281). This limits their ability to perform acts of exclusions, such as dictating who can be part of their movement. Black women are not in the place to do so. As Davis emphasizes throughout her book, “It is not the job of the Black woman to draw the color line” (11). Instead, it is the job of Black women to include all races in their movement and discourse.
Similarly, Black Lives Matter greatly focuses on inclusion. Individuals who are involved in the movement recognize that exclusivity can hurt a movement rather than help it (Chatelain 5). They understand this concept because of their bottom occupation in our society. Occupying the bottom, Black women in the movement understand that their liberation from oppression is connected with the liberation of others. As Lorde states, “I am not free while any woman is unfree, even when her shackles are very different from my own. And I am not free long as one person of Color remains chained” (Lorde 133). It is understood by Black feminists in the movement that they are not truly free until their brothers and sisters are free as well. The idea of brothers and sisters is not limited to those who look like them on the basis of race. It pertains to all individuals who experience some form of oppression. Therefore, the issues Black Lives Matter publicly addresses are not limited to those of Black men and women.
Black Queer Women and Black Feminism
As the status quo of racism remains unaddressed by white feminists, the exclusion of Black queer women occurs. Black queer women do not let their exclusion from feminism silence their voices. Instead, they use Black feminism as a platform to address their issues and experiences. Black queer women are only able to do so through the recognition of their place in feminism. As hooks states, “Groups of women who feel excluded from feminist discourse and praxis can make a place for themselves only if they first create via critiques an awareness of the factors that alienate them” (276). In this context, Black queer women can clearly identify what alienates them: their race and sexuality. By recognizing this, Black queer women are able to create and maintain a place where their voice can be heard.
For Black queer women, Black feminism allows for them to address issues of importance, such as the different forms of oppression they experience. As Collins recognizes, one form of oppression Black queer women address is heterosexism (128). They are able to “politically interrogate” this undermined oppression (CRC 266). For Black queer women, heterosexism is understood as oppression because of the way heterosexuality is viewed. In our society, heterosexuality is seen as the normative (Collins 128). This makes any other form of identified sexuality, including queer identification, “suspect” (Collins 128). By labeling queer identities as such, heterosexuals are able to “other” queer Black women. As a form of oppression, Black queer women have taken it upon themselves to address heterosexism through the inserts of queer politics into Black feminism.
As an organization, Black Lives Matter has inserted queer politics into their movement. They not only address the issues of the (heterosexual) Black man or woman, but also those of the (Black) queer man and woman. The recognition of queer individuals and their issues is accredited to the women that co-founded Black Lives Matter (Chatelain 2). As Black queer women, Patrisse Cullars and Alicia Garza see the purpose and importance of including queer politics into the movement. They understand that “men lives or cis-gender lives” are not the only ones of importance (Chatelain 5). This allows them to articulate throughout the movement that Black queer lives are just as important as the lives of those who are privileged in our society. Because of this, Black Lives Matter is able to address issues, such as police brutality from all perspectives.
Feminism and Its Failure to Recognize Difference
White women who dominate feminist discourse do not recognize the differences amongst women. White women fail feminism in their “refusal to recognize differences and to examine the distortions which result from misnaming them” (Lorde 115). This implies that it is not the differences themselves that separate white women and women of color. Difference cannot be the factor that separates white women and women of color because the differences are normal. When differences are not recognized by white women, it gives feminists the power to assume that all women’s experiences are similar. As Lorde explains, this assumption creates “sense of homogeneity” in regards to women and their personal experiences (116). When white women believe this assumption, they are able to draw inaccurate inferences about the oppression of all women. The assumption that “all women are oppressed” assumes that all women experience oppression the same (hooks 273). This assumption about women’s oppression is based upon the belief that women share common factors like class, race, religion, sexual preference” (hooks 273). Many Black feminists recognize this assumption as incorrect. Contrary, white women who dominate feminist discourse hold validity to their assumption.
When white women believe in such an assumption, they are able to silence the Black woman’s voice through homogeneity. This is exemplified by Lorde in her following statement: “In feminism, the word sisterhood no longer exists” (Lorde 116). Sisterhood, as a term used for solidarity, shows that Black women and their thoughts are not present in feminism. This form of exclusion “makes it impossible to see the different problems and pitfalls facing women” (Lorde 118). This is due to their refusal to recognize the difference between them and Black women. As hooks recognizes,“This excuses privileged white women to ignore the difference between their social status and the status the masses of women” (274). This presents white feminists with the inability to acknowledge Black women and their experience. It is due to this inability in which white feminists are able to exclude Black women through their words and actions.
Contrary to feminism, there is a strong recognition of and respect for differences amongst women in Black feminism. As Lorde states, “Some problems we share as women, some we do not” (119). Because of the recognition of difference, Black feminism is a space where personal experience is respected and valued. It relies on “person experiences of individual Black women’s lives” to shape its discourse (CRC 266). Because of this, Black feminism does two important things for Black women. First, it provides Black women with a sense of validity in regards to their experiences. Second, it allows Black women to “look more deeply into their own experience...to build a politics that will change their lives and inevitable end their oppression” (CRC 266). In other words, it gives Black women the opportunity to end their oppression through the impression that their experiences have left on their lives.
Similarly, Black Lives Matter acknowledges how the Black woman’s experience with violence is different than the white women’s experience. For Black and white women alike, experiencing violence is nothing new (Crenshaw 1242). It is the ways in which Black women experience violence that make it different form white women. Black women experience violence because of their vulnerability due to their race, sex, and class (Crenshaw 1243). People do not recognize this intersectionality in the lives of Black women. Because of this, Black women’s experiences with violence is usually “ignored, overlooked, misrepresented, or silenced” (Crenshaw 1252). Therefore, Black women have to take it upon themselves to address these issues since no one else will do it for them. Black women are now fighting for their names (and issues) to be heard (Chatelain 3). It is because these women are on the front lines readying to address the issues Black women face that the stories of Black women being killed at the hands of police brutality (i.e. Sandra Bland) are recognized.
Feminism and Its Failure to Recognize Interlocking Systems of Oppression
As white women, feminists fail to recognize the interlocking systems of oppression. As hooks recognizes, “Privileged feminists tend not to understand the relationship between sex, race, and class oppression” (281). Feminism, as a discipline and movement is composed of white women who do not know or can begin to understand the work the multilayered stems of oppression (hooks 281). This is a result of failing to consider “intersectional identities” of women of color (Crenshaw 1243). White women fail to realize how different attributes in Black women’s lives affect the way they are oppressed. This failure to understand is a direct result of their place in society. Many privileged feminists are white, upper middle class women. The interlocking system of oppression do not apply to white women because two of their three attributes, race and class, make them privileged individuals in society. As a result, white feminists have the tendency to only identify one form of oppression: sexism. This affords them the ability to fail to understand how possibly race, sex, and class work in unison to affect women of color.
However, Black feminists recognize the interlocking systems of oppressions. For Black women, the “major systems of oppression are interlocking” (CRC 264). They are able to identify this because of their recognition of their intersectional identities (Crenshaw 1243). Unlike white women, Black women do not have the choice to ignore how interlocking systems of oppression work. Because of their intersectional identities, Black women “are differently situated in the economic, social, and political worlds” (Crenshaw 1250). This is a result of the systems of oppression working together to oppress them as Black women. This shapes their life experiences on a daily basis. As the Combahee River Collective recognizes, the interlocking systems of oppression “condition” the lives of Black women (CRC 264). To ignore the systems of oppression, Black women deny or ignore their own selves.
Similarly, Black Lives Matter pays close attention to how the systems of oppression work together to oppress Black women and those who are marginalized. Black Lives Matters roots itself in acknowledging intersectionality with Black women (Chatelain 5). This is due to the recognition of intersectionality by those involved in the movement. As Black women, they understand how these systems operate in their lives and the lives of others (Chatelain 5). Because of this, Black Lives Matter is able to “force a conversation to happen about gender and racial politics” around our nation (Chatelain 4). By doing this, the movement forces people to acknowledge intersectionality in the lives of others and how interlocking systems of oppression operate in their lives. Ultimately, this conversation forces privileged white feminists to see how such systems of interlocking oppression can and does affect women of color, specifically Black women.
Priorities in Feminism and Black Feminism
As the result of white women’s refusal to include Black women in discourse of feminism, Black feminism and feminism have different priorities in regards to their agendas. The difference in their agendas is due to white women’s inability to recognize differences in “race, sexual preference, class, and age” (Lorde 116). This leads white feminists to rally around their own issues. As Lorde states, “By and large within the women’s movement today, white women focus on their oppression as women” (Lorde 116). Their focus on their own issues provides the excuse for white feminists to not focus on the issues of women of color oppression. Specifically, Black women’s issues are not represented in the movement. This leads to a “lack of visibility of Black women or women of color in feminism (Davis 21).
Black women must make themselves visible by acknowledging their issues that white feminists fail to include in their discourse. As Davis states, “Black women experience a triple oppression” (17). It is the interlocking and simultaneous systems of oppression of racism, classism, and sexism. Because Black women are able to acknowledge this, they are “committed to working on those struggles in which race, sex, and class are simultaneously factors in oppression” (CRC 272). Their commitment to addressing issues regarding sex, race and class oppression is inclusive of all individuals. Black feminists make it their mission to address an array of issues (Davis 12). This openness allows them to be “considered with “any given situation that deals with women, Third Word, and working people” (CRC 273). By addressing a multitude of issues, Black feminists remain true to their ideology of inclusiveness.
As a Black feminist movement, Black Lives Matter includes and addresses an array of issues from multitude perspectives. The issues addressed in the movement are not just those of the Black community, but also includes issues pertaining to marginalized communities in our society. In regards to the Black community, Black Lives Matter addresses the ways Black lives are cut short in life (Chatelain 5). One major example of this is their emphasis on killing of unarmed Black men (and women). In regards to other groups of individuals, Black Lives Matter also addresses issues that pertain to the marginalized in our society. This includes issues that relate to worker’s rights, women’s rights, socioeconomic injustices, queer inequalities and discrimination, and more (Chatelain 4). By creating an open space for all forms of oppression to be address, Black Lives Matter is successfully exercising their purpose: to bring equality and justice to all people.
In conclusion, as a Black feminist movement and organization, Black Lives Matter holds strong validity in our society. This is due to its context of taking place within Black feminism, rather than feminism. Black Lives Matter has aligned itself to follow very similar ideologies to that of Black feminism. First, it does not exclude women (or individuals in general) on the basis of race, sex, and/or class. This allows for the voices and issues of Black women to be heard, especially those of queer Black women. Second, Black Lives Matter acknowledges the difference between the experiences of white women and women of color. This is what allows Black Lives Matter to include and draw on the experiences of Black women in their movement. Third, Black Lives Matter acknowledges the intersectionality in women of color, and how interlocking systems of oppression work against Black women. Because of this, they are able to acknowledge and address issues and inequalities of marginalized individuals and their interlocking oppression. These three aspects of Black Lives Matter make it an inclusive organization. It is this inclusiveness that makes the movement powerful as it works to bring justice and equality not only to the Black community, but to all lives that have be oppressed or marginalized in our society.
Chatelain, Marcia. “Women and Black Lives Matter: An Interview with Marcia
Chatelain.” Dissent Summer 2015: 1-8. Web.
Collins, Patricia. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the
Politics of Empowerment. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2000. Print. Collins, Patricia. “What’s in the Name? Womanism, Black Feminism, and
Beyond.” The Black Scholar 26.1 (1996): 9-17. Print.
Combahee River Collective. “The Combahee River Collective Statement.” Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. Ed. Barbara Smith. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2000. 264-273. Print.
Crenshaw, Kimberle. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color.” Stanford Law Review 43.6 (1991): 1241-1299. Print.
Davis, Angela. Women, Culture, and Politics. New York: Random House, 1989. Print.
hooks, bell. “Black Women: Shaping Feminist History.” Words of Fire: An Anthology of African American Feminist Thought. Ed. Beverly Guy- Sheftall. New York: The New York Press, 1995. 269-282. Print.
Lorde, Audre. “Age, Race, Class, and Sex: Women Redefining Difference.” Sister Outsider. Berkeley: Crossing Press, 2007. 114-123. Print.
This month's Black Business spotlight is on Hair by Mer!
Meron is a L.A. native, talented vocalist (make sure to check out her #2000TUESDAYS on her IG here, and a talented hair stylist.
She specializes in braids, twists, retwist locs and faux locs!
Her work is always neat, tight, precise, beautiful and has a very natural and relaxed look. Not only is her work impeccable, but it's also affordable, which we love and appreciate!
Check out her skills on a few of her clients below and make sure to contact her directly via Instagram for inquires!
Book her while you can for your summer looks!
For Hair by Mer inquires contact her via Instagram at @abyssiniangold and don't forget to check out #2000TUESDAYS to bless your ears with a compilation of hits from the 2000's!
I am so exited to announce that Pure Lilli Skin Care will be available for purchase for the first time on April 17th at Loyola Marymount University's 4th Annual Black Heritage Poetry Night!
The event takes place form 7-9pm and will showcase black poets and several black owned business vendors, including Pure Lilli! Admission is free and light refreshments will be served.
If you are free and in the Los Angeles area please come through and support.
I am planning to sell Pure Lilli bath salts, bath bombs, limited edition lip balms and creamy body scrubs!
Since this is Pure Lilli's "soft opening", all products will be available in 1oz and 2.5oz sizes with limited large bath salts.
Prices will range from $4- $15.
If you can make it, please stop by and be the first to try out Pure Lilli!
This month's Black Business spotlight is on Durag Dinners by Isaiah "Cope" Copeland! Isaiah is an L.A. native and Howard Alum who is adding a west coast flair to southern comfort food. Isaiah learned to cook from his mother and grandmothers and describes himself as "a food enthusiast at heart but an in house chef in my leisure." He recently created his blog , duragdinners.weebly.com, to not only showcase his amazing recipes but to also teach new cooks how to make meals that are full of flavor and will make you look and feel like a pro! Durag Dinners has got you covered for every cuisine, from Siracha fried pork chops, curry chicken, to a full breakfast, he's got it all!
The best part about Durag Dinners is its interactive tutorial approach that Isaiah uses by uploading videos of himself (wearing a durag of course) making his recipes. I love this because learning how to cook by reading a recipe can be more challenging and confusing if you're not too familiar with the kitchen. Not only do you get to watch exactly how to make a dish but you also get to experience Copeland's fun and chill energy and he makes you feel like you're cooking with your friend. Make sure to follow Durag Dinners on Instagram @duragdinners to stay up to date on all the new recipes and blog posts! Durag Dinners is also available for dinner parties and private events, the Shrimp Mac n Cheese and baked salmon looked to die for!
Take a look at Isaiah's Durag Dinners!